As in ancient times? Tillerson was able to get trace voltages with a GOP Senate


The senator cried.

It was the spring of 2005. And the late Sen. George Voinovich, R-Ohio, pleaded with his colleagues to lean serve on the nomination of John Bolton, President George W. Bush’s Ambassador to the United Nations.

“Many of my colleagues are not to understand that his appointment is very, very important for our country,” said Voinovich, choking back tears. “At a strategic time, we’ll be friends all over the world need, we need somebody up there who will be able to get the job done.”

Voinovich played with a yellow marker as he tried to regain his composure.

“I don’t want to take the risk,” said Voinovich, his voice shaking. “I came back here and ran for a second term, because I’m worried about my children and my grandchildren.”

Senators of the President’s party rarely against its major nominations. But that’s what happens when Voinovich staggered pushed to a vote in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and, ultimately, in the background the Bolton nomination. The body was shortly before the vote on the nomination and send Bolton to the full Senate for confirmation.

“I’ve heard enough today that I don’t feel comfortable about voting for Mr. Bolton,” Voinovich said to his colleagues.

Bolton’s reputation as an abusive, human resources manager does not ingratiate yourself to Voinovich the nominees.

Voinovich, the simultaneous opposition to Bolton in the Committee was enough. The panel stopped the planned vote to send Bolton’s nomination directly to the Senate for confirmation. Republicans held a 10-8 advantage over Democrats on the Committee. If you agree it did, Voinovich’s betrayal blocked the count at 9-9. The panel advanced the nomination on the floor, but took the unusual step to do so, to advocate without fully, Bolton.

Hardly a recipe for a simple confirmation.

Still, Voinovich’s opposition prompted weeks of requests, such as Bolton comported with colleagues while working in the foreign policy of the community, and the U.S. Agency for International development.

Democrats saw an opportunity for the jugular.

These days, high-level nominations required a 60-vote procedural threshold to stop debate. The GOP-controlled Senate tried twice to send Bolton to a final confirmation vote. But Bolton could only calls for to 55 votes in favour on each of the procedural role.

Fifty-five votes was enough confirmation. But not enough to break the filibuster.

Bolton’s nomination was dead in the water.

But when Congress adjourned for the month-long August recess, President Bush on the confirmation process for Bolton. The Constitution provides the President the option to install figures in the administration posts without Senate “advice and consent” as long as the body is “postponed.”

Break dates only to the end of the next session of Congress. Bolton went on to serve as the U.S. representative to the United Nations, sans Senate confirmation.

So why bring?

Voinovich against Bolton torpedoed an important management nominated. And those who follow the Senate of the history of knowledge, the Voinovich-Bolton-template could expect an insight into the confirmation process, the President of Trump nomination of Rex Tillerson to serve as Secretary of state.

Sens. John McCain, R-Ariz., Marco Rubio, R-Fla., Lindsey Graham, R-S. C., and Rand Paul, R-Ky., all of the expressed concerns, had business interests in Russia by ExxonMobil. The “Russia” question only looms larger now that there are serious questions about the degree of interference in the elections by Moscow.

Tillerson also can majority, just a simple, after the Democrats changed the rules of the game, but that does not automatically mean a nomination on a glide path to confirmation.

The Republicans hold a narrow, 52-48 edge in the Senate in January. This means that, if Democrats hold out and vote no, the Republicans can only one of their own to lose, to confirm Tillerson. The GOP can two lose on your side, when Vice President, Pence is breaking a tie.

The Senate just rejected a Cabinet-level candidates right off the bat in the last few decades. President George. H. W. Bush nominated former Senator John Tower, R-Texas, for the Minister of defense in 1989. But the Senate rejected the Tower nomination, 53-47. Senators have reservations about the Tower’s relations with the conservatives, said the accusations of abuse of alcohol and women’s stories.

A number of Democrats have raised serious questions about Tillerson of his nomination. Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., a member of the foreign Affairs Committee, is among them. But in a recent meeting with reporters, Coons also worry about the potential number two in the state, under Tillerson.

“I’m just as concerned about rumors of John Bolton, nominated to be deputy secretary of State,” said Coon.

What happens if Tillerson implode his nomination? A school of thought now rattling around Capitol Hill is that Trump could, on John Bolton for the job.

But this is only congressional jawboning. First, the Senate must deal with Tillerson.

“There is no unanimous consent from the Committee,” said Coons. “I can’t prejudge what I might do in the body.”

And no one knew what Voinovich, a Foreign Relations Committee or the full Senate is planned on the Bolton’s nomination more than 11 years.

Capitol attitude is a weekly column by members of the Fox News Capitol Hill team. Your article, you take in the halls of Congress, and they cover the spectrum of political topics, presented, discussed and voted on.

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